contemporary psychiatric mental health nursing study guide

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contemporary psychiatric mental health nursing study guide

Please try again.Please try again.Please try again. Then you can start reading Kindle books on your smartphone, tablet, or computer - no Kindle device required. Register a free business account Full content visible, double tap to read brief content. Videos Help others learn more about this product by uploading a video. Upload video To calculate the overall star rating and percentage breakdown by star, we don’t use a simple average. Instead, our system considers things like how recent a review is and if the reviewer bought the item on Amazon. It also analyzes reviews to verify trustworthiness. Please try again later.John Shevin Foster has managed to distill some down home truths into an easy read. We've all made mistakes when it comes to love. We thought we knew it all, only to have our hearts broken by the person that was not for us.This book opens our eyes to things that someone in love may not want to see. In 55 short pages the author manages to remind us of all the common sense lessons that grandma gave us,while at the same time translating them into modern,everyday,scenarios that grandma may not have experienced. Set up an evaluation framework 11. Assess long-term impacts 12.

Give space and support others Designing effective Gender Equality Training Find a gender trainer Gender Equality Training in the EU Good Practices on Gender Equality Training More resources on Gender Equality Training More on EIGE's work on Gender Equality Training Gender Impact Assessment Back to toolkit page What is Gender Impact Assessment Why use Gender Impact Assessment Who should use Gender Impact Assessment When to use Gender Impact Assessment Guide to Gender Impact Assessment Step 1: Definition of policy purpose Step 2: Checking gender relevance Step 3: Gender-sensitive analysis Step 4: Weighing gender impact Step 5: Findings and proposals for improvement Following up on gender impact assessment General considerations Examples from the EU European Union European Commission National level Austria Belgium Denmark Finland Sweden Regional level Basque country Catalonia Local level Lower Saxony Swedish municipalities Institutional Transformation Back to toolkit page What is Institutional Transformation Institutional transformation and gender: Key points Gender organisations Types of institutions Gender mainstreaming and institutional transformation Dimensions of gender mainstreaming in institutions: The SPO model Why focus on Institutional Transformation Motivation model Who the guide is for Guide to Institutional Transformation Preparation phase 1. Creating accountability and strengthening commitment 2. Allocating resources 3. Conducting an organisational analysis 4. Developing a strategy and work plan Implementation phase 5. Establishing a support structure 6. Setting gender equality objectives 7. Communicating gender mainstreaming 8. Introducing gender mainstreaming 9. Developing gender equality competence 10. Establishing a gender information management system 11. Launching gender equality action plans 12. Promotional equal opportunities Evaluation and follow-up phase 13.

Monitoring and steering organisational change Dealing with resistance Discourse level Individual level Organisational level Statements and reactions Checklist: Key questions for change Examples from the EU Preparation phase 1. Strengthening accountability 2. Allocating resources 3. Organisational analysis 4. Developing a strategy and working plan Implementation phase 5. Establishing a support structure 6. Setting objectives 7. Communicating gender mainstreaming 8. Introducing methods and tools 9. Developing Competence 10. Launching action plans 12. Promoting within an organisation Evaluation and follow-up phase 13. Monitoring and evaluating Gender Equality in Academia and Research Back to toolkit page What is a Gender Equality Plan. EU objectives for gender equality in research Why change must be structural Who is this guide for. The GEAR Step-by-Step Guide Step 1: Getting started Step 2: Analysing and assessing the state-of-play in the institution Step 3: Setting up a Gender Equality Plan Step 4: Implementing a Gender Equality Plan Step 5: Monitoring progress and evaluating a Gender Equality Plan Step 6: What comes after the Gender Equality Plan. GEAR action toolbox Who is involved in a Gender Equality Plan. Rationale for gender equality in research Basic requirements and success factors Obstacles and solutions Legislative and policy backgrounds Austria Belgium Bulgaria Croatia Cyprus Czechia Denmark Estonia Finland France Germany Greece Hungary Ireland Italy Latvia Lithuania Luxembourg Malta Netherlands Poland Portugal Romania Slovakia Slovenia Spain Sweden United Kingdom Relevant insights Examples A practice to award and ensure greater visibility for women researchers A survey to know your institution AKKA Age limit extension in calls for female researchers with children under 10 Cascade Model GFZ Compulsory awareness-raising session for B.A.

students Election procedure for the Board Elections for the University's Council Encouraging gender equality activities at the grassroots level across the university Family-leave without consequences for the academic career Gender Equality Report Gender Project Manager Gender Report Gender Sensitive PhD Supervisor Toolkit Gender and Diversity Controlling Gender certification: a road to change? (SE) Gender lectureship: a model for mainstreaming in higher education GenderNet Freie Universitat Berlin (DE) High-profile tenure-track positions for top female scientists Introducing a gender perspective in research content and teaching Maternity Cover Fund and Return to Work policy National connections at Fraunhofer Gesellschaft: the National Committee Overcoming bias in personnel selection procedures Participatory approach towards development of Career Development Plan Protocol for preventing and tackling sexual harassment and gender-based violence School of drafting and management for European projects Stimulating personal development to improve women academics’ positions Teaching-free period when returning from parental leave The Gender Balance Committee of the Genomic Regulation Centre (ES) WiSER (Centre for Women in Science and Engineering Research) Women represented in all rounds of applications Key resources Gender-sensitive Parliaments Back to toolkit page What is the tool for. Who is the tool for. Examples of gender-sensitive practices in parliaments Women and men have equal opportunities to ENTER the parliament Women and men have equal opportunities to INFLUENCE the parliament’s working procedures Women’s interests and concerns have adequate SPACE on parliamentary agenda The parliament produces gender-sensitive LEGISLATION The parliament complies with its SYMBOLIC function Glossary of terms References and resources Gender Budgeting Back to toolkit page Who is this toolkit for. What is gender budgeting.

Introducing gender budgeting Gender budgeting in women’s and men’s lived realities What does gender budgeting involve in practice. Gender budgeting in the EU Funds Gender budgeting as a way of complying with EU legal requirements Gender budgeting as a way of promoting accountability and transparency Gender budgeting as a way of increasing participation in budget processes Gender budgeting as a way of advancing gender equality Why is gender budgeting important in the EU Funds. Three reasons why gender budgeting is crucial in the EU Funds How can we apply gender budgeting in the EU Funds. What is the impact of sexism at work. Where does sexism come from. Sexism at work What happens when you violate sexist expectations. What is sexual harassment. Violating sexist expectations can lead to sexual harassment Under-reporting of sexual harassment Part 2. Test yourself Part 3. Act How can I combat sexism. A ten-step programme for managers How can all staff create cultural change How can I report a problem.See all past newsletters. It is a way of looking at how social norms and power structures impact on the lives and opportunities available to different groups of men and women. Globally, more women than men live in poverty. Women are also less likely than men to receive basic education and to be appointed to a political position nationally and internationally. Understanding that men and women, boys and girls experience poverty differently and face different barriers in accessing services, economic resources and political opportunities helps to target interventions. According to the World Development Report (WDR) 2012, gender is defined as socially constructed norms and ideologies which determine the behaviour and actions of men and women.

Understanding these gender relations and the power dynamics behind them is a prerequisite for understanding individuals’ access to and distribution of resources, the ability to make decisions and the way women and men, boys and girls are affected by political processes and social development. Acknowledging and incorporating these gender inequalities into programmes and analyses is therefore extremely important, both from a human rights perspective and to maximise impact and socioeconomic development. Gender equality is also important for sustainable peace, and there is a growing body of empirical evidence suggesting that a higher level of gender inequality is associated with higher risks of internal conflict. Markets, institutions, and households play a role in reducing inequality, and globalisation can provide important opportunities. Domestic actors need to focus on reducing female mortality, narrowing education and earnings disparities, increasing women’s voice, and limiting gender inequality across generations. The international community needs to ensure consistent support, improve the availability of gender-disaggregated data, and extend partnerships beyond governments and development agencies. She called for a focus on Women in Development (WID), to acknowledge the contributions of women’s often invisible labour. The Women and Development (WAD) approach emphasised the need for structural changes in the global political economy. GAD advocates called for a deeper understanding of the socially constructed basis of gender differences and how this impacts on relationships between men and women. They argued for an improved understanding of power relations and the gendered nature of systems and institutions which impact on the lives of women and men. Rather than incorporating women into the current patriarchal system, GAD advocates argued for the transformation of the system into one characterised by gender equality.

This was articulated specifically in Millennium Development Goal (MDG) 3 which called for the promotion of gender equality and women’s empowerment. Three indicators were chosen to represent this goal: i) the ratios of girls to boys in primary, secondary and tertiary education; ii) the share of women in wage employment in the non-agricultural sector; and iii) the proportion of seats held by women in national parliament. Gender equality is also essential in order to achieve the other seven MDGs. In the post-2015 process to decide what goals, if any, should follow the MDGs, gender has remained a core concern. Some advocates have called for a standalone goal on gender, while others have promoted gender targets within each goal. In addition, insufficient funds are allocated to ensure that gender equality is an important part of these programmes and policies. It argues for a renewed focus on analysing and transforming unequal and unjust power relations. OECD And Post-2015 Reflections. Element 3, Paper 1. This policy paper puts forward the OECD’s position on gender in the post-2015 goals. It recommends that the new goals contain a strong standalone goal on gender equality and women’s empowerment, as well as integrating gender-specific targets and indicators in the other goals. It states that making girls and women visible in development agendas encourages governments and donors to take action. It suggests that the post-2015 framework needs to take a holistic approach: 1) addressing girls’ completion of a quality education, 2) women’s economic empowerment, 3) universal access to sexual and reproductive health and rights, 4) ending violence against women and girls, 5) women’s voice, leadership and influence, 6) women’s participation in peace and security, 7) women’s contributions to environmental sustainability. See full text In the context of the Post-2015 Development framework and Sustainable Development Goals. UN Women.

UN Women’s position paper on the post-2015 goals on gender equality and women’s rights suggests that a transformative approach is needed. It calls for action to address structural impediments for women’s empowerment, such as violence against women, unpaid care work, limited control over assets and property, and unequal participation in private and public decision-making. The paper suggests integrating gender equality concerns throughout other goals, and a standalone goal covering three core areas, with associated targets and indicators for each: freedom from violence for women and girls; gender equality in the distribution of capabilities; and gender equality in decision-making power See full text In particular, data related to women’s contributions in the informal economy, gender-based violence and harmful traditional practices is very rare. This makes it difficult to fully understand the experiences of women and men and to ensure that programmes are targeted where they can be most effective. Further, data disaggregated by age is also infrequently available, making it difficult to understand differences between women and girls, and men and boys. Some research and evaluations of development programmes have relied on qualitative data rather than quantitative data. This reliance is criticised by some groups as not being rigorous enough. Data and analysis of the power differentials or underlying causes for these differences is also needed. Ideally, what is required is a mix of quantitative and qualitative data and analysis that presents evidence of what the differences are and why those differences exist. These two spheres interact with local cultures to determine gender outcomes. Social institutions that have been identified as particularly negative for women and girls include discriminatory family codes, son bias, physical insecurity, limited resource rights and entitlements, and cultural restrictions on women’s movement and other liberties (Jones et al 2010).

Formal institutions can have both intended and unintended negative impacts on women. For example, laws, such as Shariah, which specifically state that a man’s and a woman’s witness are of different value have an intended discriminatory effect. A policy which requires land titles as a precondition for receiving agricultural credit may have the unintended effect of excluding women because land ownership is generally concentrated among male family members. Allowing for the placement of two names (a husband’s and wife’s) on land titles could help to address this problem. This paper finds that discriminatory family codes, son bias, limited resource entitlements, physical insecurity and restricted civil liberties play a role in chronic poverty, specifically that of young women. It is therefore important to: eliminate gender discrimination through legal provisions; support girls’ participation in decision-making; invest in child- and gender-sensitive social protection; extend services to hard-to-reach girls; strengthen girls’ resource access; and promote girls’ control over their bodies. Status in the household is often determined by age, marriage, number of children, disability, economic resources and educational level attained. Girls, including adolescent girls, often have the lowest status in the household, especially in societies where families need to pay dowry and where the daughters are sent to live with the husband’s family upon marriage. Recent research has identified adolescent girls as particularly vulnerable and susceptible to gender-based discrimination including sexual violence, forced and early marriage, dropping out of school and risk of death during childbirth. Early marriage and early pregnancy can have adverse affects on girls’ health, and may inhibit their ability to take advantage of educational and job opportunities. Widows and married women who have been abandoned by their husbands may also face stigma and lack of status.

This enables boys to grow up having higher status in the household than girls and better income generating opportunities. While status generally increases according to age for both men and women, it increases disproportionally for men. Men are often assumed to be the head of the household and responsible for providing financially for the family, while women and girls are responsible for household chores, such as caring for children, cleaning, fetching water and cooking. The time required to perform domestic chores also limits women’s access to paid employment and their participation in civil society and politics. In situations of conflict, displacement, labour migration or abandonment, female-headed households may be more common. These are often among the poorest and most vulnerable households. This study explores how women and men are dealing with the feminisation of labour markets in the face of the prevalence of male breadwinner ideologies and the apparent threat to male authority represented by women’s earnings. It shows that most working women continue to bear a disproportionate burden of domestic responsibility. Women may be using their newly acquired earning power to challenge the injustice of the double work burden, but policymakers are still failing to provide support for women’s care responsibilities. It posits that care work should be recognised as important, and that it should not be the sole responsibility of women. It provides examples of programmes which have expanded women’s choices and opportunities. It also reviews policies which can increase the value accorded to care work. See full text In agricultural societies where women often do most of the work, male family members often own the land and make the agricultural decisions. Because of women’s lower bargaining position in the household, their decision-making is often limited and can be confined to childrearing concerns and domestic tasks.

Factors that exacerbate women’s low bargaining positions include large age gaps between husband and wife, which intensify already existing gender inequalities, cultural factors that devalue women’s unpaid work, lower levels of education and economic dependence. Women are frequently tasked with budgeting for the household either through resources provided by the husband or through petty trading and agricultural labour. In some cases, women are seen as household financial managers. In other cases, while women may not control the household income, they adopt various strategies to ensure they can access part of these resources. These may include hiding money and lying about expenditures, to ensure that they can pay for food and children’s schooling. Interventions aimed explicitly at strengthening women’s control over resources, such as conditional cash transfers, can be particularly beneficial. This study focuses on livelihoods-based interests in farm land and non-violent conflict situations in northern Ghana. It argues that the social positioning of women and whether they work on the land or not are important determinants of their livelihood possibilities. The World Bank Research Observer, 28(1), 52-78. This article provides an overview of the quantitative literature on intra-household resource allocation, and summarises the main observations and insights relevant to policy-makers. It reviews the possibility of showing causation rather than correlation, and which outcomes of women’s bargaining are reasonably well-established. It concludes women’s bargaining power affects household decisions, although it is hard to prove causality. See full text In addition to gender, individuals can be discriminated against for a number of reasons including ethnicity and race, religion, caste, age, disability, sexual orientation, socioeconomic status and geographic location.

When gender intersects with other axes of marginalisation, women are more likely to experience multiple layers of discrimination. In some cases, these other forms of discrimination can be more intense than gender discrimination. An ethnic minority man can be less powerful and more discriminated against than a middle class woman from a majority ethnic group, although a female from this same ethnic minority group could face even greater discrimination. It is based on an understanding that men and women have layered identities which have resulted from social relations, history and power structures. Through a deeper appreciation of multiple identities and consequent patterns of discrimination, more effective responses can be tailored. Volume 15 of Advances in gender research. Emerald Group Publishing. This book collates papers from a 2009 conference on “Gender and Social Transformation: Global, Transnational, and Local Realities and Perspectives”. It contextualises experiences of intersectionality and inequality, social exclusion and powerlessness. It situates these experiences theoretically and provides connecting overviews on how those facing intersectional challenges are the most vulnerable. See full text This paper examines the specific intersectionality of gender with equitable access to health. It examines the difficulties of understanding the different factors which influence access to health. Using an intersectional analysis transforms the understanding of access to healthcare. Gender is not always the most salient or meaningful category, and it may be more beneficial to use an intersectional approach. This should allow a deeper and more nuanced analysis and policy prescriptions. See full text. London: ODI.

This Background Note synthesises the results of three extensive gender literature reviews exploring the extent to which gender justice for adolescent girls is shaped by formal and informal laws, norms, attitudes and practices that limit them in the attainment and exercise of their capabilities. It describes the political, social, economic and cultural context in which girls live, and describes the intersectional poverty of being both young and a girl. See full text Like women, men play diverse roles in society, the economy and household. Recent discussions of masculinity have emphasised the need to engage with the structures that sustain gender inequality. Putting the pressure on women as the only agents of change can also be considered an ethical issue, given the number of other challenges that poor women are forced to confront. For example, unemployment and the structural exclusion of young men has been linked to an increased risk of engagement in violence. Young men in such instances are often perceived as a security threat. In many contexts, however, youth who suffer from exclusion do not get involved in violence and can be positive agents of change. While small-scale programmes that work with men and boys demonstrate some success towards more gender equitable attitudes, focusing on or including boys and men remains controversial. Some feminists fear that such a focus diverts both attention and resources away from women’s rights work. For example, Australia’s National Action Plan on Women, Peace and Security (2012-2018) highlights the importance of male champions in ensuring the security of women and girls. Men and boys can be powerful advocates for gender equality, helping to reduce and prevent violence against women and ensure that women’s needs are taken into account and included as crucial elements in peace negotiations and at international fora.

It argues that they should be involved in addressing gender inequality, both as power-holders and as a group suffering from negative gender stereotypes. It emphasises the role of fathers, families and schools in shaping gender relations. Fathers can set an example for their families by sharing household responsibilities, expressing emotions, and treating his sons, daughters and wife equally. In schools, both pre-school and secondary schooling for boys have positive effects on gender equality, through learning positive behaviour, and decreasing violence against women and girls. It calls for renewed engagement in efforts to challenge and change stereotypes of men, to dismantle the structural barriers to gender equality, and to mobilise men to build new alliances with women’s movements and other movements for social and gender justice. The paper highlights factors which can contribute to youth violence, and makes recommendations for DFID’s work on youth exclusion and violence. There is statistical evidence of a link between high relative youth populations and an increased risk of armed conflict. However, statistical relationships have their limitations. They cannot be used as a sole predictor of conflict in specific areas and reveal little about the causal processes. A key factor driving youth involvement in violence is the structural exclusion and lack of opportunities faced by many young people. These block the transition to adulthood and can lead to frustration, disillusionment and, in some cases, participation in violence. Washington, DC: International Center for Research on Women (ICRW) and Rio de Janeiro: Instituto Promundo. From 2009 to 2010, household surveys were administered to more than 8,000 men and 3,500 women ages 18 to 59 in Brazil, Chile, Croatia, India, Mexico and Rwanda. The key findings are that there is general trend for younger, more educated men and men with gender-equitable role models show more gender-equitable behaviour.

Most men were not in delivery room for the birth of their last child, but nearly half do some daily caregiving. 25 to 40 per cent of men reported physical intimate partner violence. Between 16 percent and 56 percent of men say they have paid for sex at least once. See full text Washington D.C.: The Worldbank. How does male behaviour affect female outcomes in the promotion of gender equality. This survey first summarizes recent studies on the distribution of power within the family and identifies several factors that have altered the bargaining position of men and women over the last decades. It then reviews empirical work on the contribution of men, as fathers and husbands, to the health and socioeconomic outcomes of women in both developed and developing countries. Finally, it discusses a set of economic policies that have intentionally or unintentionally affected men’s attitudes and behaviours. The main implication is that policies meant to achieve gender equality should focus on men rather than exclusively target women. These strategies include organisational gender mainstreaming, conducting gender analysis, and gender assessments to determine impacts of programmes, strategies and laws. Reasons for this include a lack of commitment on behalf of stakeholders and insufficient resource allocation. Gaps in the collection, compilation and reporting of gender-sensitive data also present a significant challenge to effective gender analysis. It develops four pillars: There are persistent challenges in the other pillars. See full text Department for International Development. This is DFID’s strategic vision paper from the coalition government. It takes a different direction from the previous Gender Equality Action Plan (GEAP) for 2007-2010. Its four pillars for action are: 1) delay first pregnancy and support safe childbirth; 2) get economic assets directly to girls and women; 3) get girls through secondary school; and 4) prevent violence against girls and women.